Monday, October 26, 2009

After 26 years of war that cost thousands of innocent lives, the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has brought Sri Lanka to a crossroads. Yet despite the government's victory, there has been widespread international criticism about how the war was handled. Success has come at a price in terms of destruction, death and the displacement of civilians. The number of actual deaths during the conflict, particularly in its last days, will never be known, despite many international attempts to hold the Sri Lankan government to task.
Despite the LTTE being widely praised in the Tamil diaspora as a "freedom fighting" organisation, it was one of the world's worst terrorist groups. It had perfected the art of suicide bombing and assassination, as well as engaging in the massacre of civilians from all communities, including Sinhalese and Tamils, and the ethnic cleansing of Muslim civilians from the north in 1990.
Reconstruction, resettlement and rehabilitation will be the immediate postwar challenges and will have to be expertly handled. Reconstruction of infrastructure will be the easiest and most attractive option for donors, but creating an environment of equity and social justice could be relegated to the bottom of the list. There must be a separate effort to ensure reconciliation between people. Many barriers have been erected between Sri Lanka's communities and special programmes to build bridges, facilitate interfaith interaction and regain intercommunity trust are urgently required.
This is the role that the Sri Lankan diaspora as a whole will need to play to bring about a reconciliation that combines human values with an understanding of the need to move away from apportioning blame. Rebuilding trust will mean honouring unity and celebrating diversity, working towards equity and justice and ensuring the eradication of social prejudices in building a collective identity.
Elements of the Tamil diaspora, in particular, have been active in sustaining the conflict. Some are still trying to keep the cause alive by exerting pressure on the international community to instigate war crimes proceedings or cut back on trade subsidies such as the EU's generous tariff preference, the GSP+.
However, they fail to realise that this will not harm the government and will be detrimental to the overall development of the country. Cutting tariff preferences, for example, will affect industry – which will in turn affect the livelihoods of all communities. Ultimately, taking a government to task should be done through a normal democratic process, which can only work if all elements within the country work towards that goal. The focus now has to be on the future development of the country.
How Sri Lanka handles the current displacement crisis is likely to determine the confidence of its minorities and the diaspora. Pressure is mounting for quick resettlement and to give Tamils a share of power. To this end the government will have to work to ensure that all people feel they are equal citizens with equal rights.
Addressing the Sri Lankan parliament last May, President Mahinda Rajapaksa said: "We have removed the word 'minorities' from our vocabulary." Sadly, people seemed to have brushed aside the president's statement as a gimmick, claiming that he himself does not believe in it and has no clear plans for the future. Without denying past grievances, there should now be a move to hold the government to task in terms of building confidence among the various communities and giving ownership to the minorities in rebuilding the country.
The Tamils believed that they were fighting for an identity and to control their own affairs. Such feelings cannot be blotted out by eliminating the LTTE but they can be made irrelevant by the treatment Tamils (and other minorities) receive in the new Sri Lanka. There should now be an active and systematic campaign for celebrating coexistence among Sri Lanka's diverse communities – and the Sri Lankan diaspora can play a big part in it.


This originally appeared here

Monday, October 19, 2009

Challenges of the Monsoon


The recent announcement by the UK government that it would only concentrate on ‘emergency’ funding for the inhabitants at Manik Farm has been designed to exert pressure on the Sri Lankan government to develop some solid and sustainable settlement to the issue of the 300,000 plus IDPs after the end of the conflict with the LTTE in April. 

Since the end of April, these refugees have been in these camps  with the most basic of needs found wanting.  If you had read any of my previous blogs you would have read about the challenges faced by these people as well as those working within the camps, the situation not being helped by a reluctance of the government to open up.  Understandably though as there is this incessant government paranoia of ‘having no friends’.

 However with the onset of the monsoon season producing the bigger threat of flooding and water borne diseases, the government, camp authorities as well as the humanitarian community are faced with a bigger dilemma.  How do we sort this out?  How do we deal with a potentially even bigger problem?

The fault is borne by everyone. Unfortunately like previous governments before it, there was a knee jerk reaction by the government to the issue of the IDPs (largely brought about in response to international pressure) when it committed itself to the 180 day resettlement notice.  For many of us on the ground, we felt that this was too premature and not feasible, given the extent of the displacement and the damage done (both mentally and physically).  Just look at the challenges that are being faced by those that are returning to Mannar or even the east after hostilities ceased there? 

Hence what it was felt was needed was a planned approach where all stakeholders were involved.  Unfortunately this has and is not taking place as the government is wary of any outside interference. The humanitarian agencies are not being consulted as they should be primarily because they have lost the confidence of the government.

The humanitarian community is also to blame for the current fiasco in terms of the basic conditions in the camps.  Most of us knew the unrealistic nature of the resettlement plan and we have also privately discussed how it is not possible to move people back into the areas immediately after displacement.  Yet publicly most of us kept on pushing for quick resettlement and an end to the camps. Some of us in fact opposed it from day one, putting great suspicions on our motives, intentions and objectivity.

Most agencies argued with the issue of semi permanent vs temporary (see my blog on the issue of the toilets) whilst knowing that any solution should realistically in fact be medium term.  This is the natural cycle of any post disaster reconstruction and resettlement.  Just look at the issue of tsunami victims in the east who are still in refugee camps yet to receive any support for long term settlements.  Knowing this we campaigned for something else and accused the government of something else, in the firm realisation that the government would react in the way that they did.  Hence the vicious cycle was perpetuated and the political tennis match continues.

Somehow, there should have been a middle point that we arrived at in terms of accepting a medium term situation, preparing for this and ensuring that the beneficiaries got the best that we could offer them. There should have been this will to move towards this in order to develop a better confidence and relationship with the government as opposed to dictating terms.

Of course the issue of ‘internment’ and security was something that we could have also met halfway with the government had there been an open mind and situation to discuss this. 

However at the end of the day, the monsoons will come, the camp inhabitants will suffer from floods and whatever else that comes with floods and it will be left up to the government and humanitarian agencies to try and cope with this, each side throwing accusations against each other on responsibilities.  The vicious cycle will continue.

As for the long term solution, the planning has to take place now.  The current situation is very unsustainable from all accounts.  Despite there being a need for security to be preserved, the camps will need to be made more open and downsized.  It will make them more manageable.  The sustainability of the operations has to be considered in this regard. Of course, we have to realise that the resettlement will not really take place properly for another year or so.  The logistics, challenges and financial constraints are just too much to even consider.  So what does this mean?

There needs to be this discussion that takes place.  The humanitarian community need to  push for this and if there is international pressure to be mounted on the Sri Lankan government, it should be on this issue, to engage in a holistic and inclusive planning for resettlement and rehabilitation.  This is the priority at the moment.  Any other issue is tantamount to a distraction and will not help those most in need.